Vanadate

In chemistry, a vanadate is a compound containing an oxoanion of vanadium generally in its highest oxidation state of +5. The simplest vanadate ion is the tetrahedral, orthovanadate michael kors online, VO43− anion, which is present in e.g. sodium orthovanadate and in solutions of V2O5 in strong base (pH > 13 ) bogner ski jacket. Conventionally this ion is represented with a single double bond, however this is a resonance form as the ion is a regular tetrahedron with four equivalent oxygen atoms.
Additionally a range of polyoxovanadate ions exist which include discrete ions and “infinite” polymeric ions. There are also vanadates, such as rhodium vanadate, RhVO4, which has a statistical rutile structure where the Rh3+ and V5+ ions randomly occupy the Ti4+ positions in the rutile lattice, that do not contain a lattice of cations and balancing vanadate anions but are mixed oxides.
In chemical nomenclature when vanadate forms part of the name, it indicates that the compound contains an anion with a central vanadium atom, e.g. ammonium hexafluorovanadate is a common name for the compound (NH4)3VF6 with the IUPAC name of ammonium hexafluoridovanadate(III).

Some examples of discrete ions are
Some examples of polymeric “infinite” ions are
In these ions vanadium exhibits tetrahedral, square pyramidal and octahedral coordination. In this respect vanadium shows similarities to tungstate and molybdate, chromium however has a more limited range of ions.
Dissolution of vanadium pentoxide in strongly basic aqueous solution gives the colourless VO43− ion. On acidification, this solution’s colour gradually darkens through orange to red at around pH 7

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. Brown hydrated V2O5 precipitates around pH 2, redissolving to form a light yellow solution containing the [VO2(H2O)4]+ ion. The number and identity of the oxyanions that exist between pH 13 and 2 depend on pH as well as concentration. For example, protonation of vanadate initiates a series of condensations to produce polyoxovanadate ions:
Vanadate is a potent inhibitor of certain plasma membrane ATPases, such as Na+/K+-ATPase and Ca2+-ATPase (PMCA). However, it does not inhibit other ATPases, such as SERCA (sarco/endoplasmic reticulum Ca2+-ATPase), actomyosin ATPase and mitochondrial ATPase. Aureliano, Manuel; Crans roger vivier store, Debbie C. (2009). “Decavanadate and oxovanadates: Oxometalates with many biological activities”. Journal Inorganic Biochemistry 103: 536–546. doi:10.1016/j.jinorgbio.2008.11010.

2012 Romanian protests

The 2012 Romanian protests were a series of protests and civil manifestations triggered by the introduction of new health reform legislation. In particular, President Traian Băsescu criticized the Deputy Minister of Health, Raed Arafat, on a Romanian television broadcast. The protests became violent, with both protesters and members of the Gendarmerie sustaining injuries during their clashes. On the morning of 5 February 2012, Prime Minister Emil Boc announced his resignation because of the protests. He said that his decision would,
Protests, on a lesser scale, continued in the University Square in Bucharest. The protestors demanded the President’s resignation and early general elections. There were ongoing protests in Romania in subsequent months over a variety of disagreements.

In 2010, in the recession of the late 2000s, the Boc government, with the support of president Traian Băsescu, imposed a series of tax increases and cuts in public-sector wages and social benefits. Boc also imposed a new labour code, which was informed by multinational corporations and business representatives such as the Romanian-American Chamber of Commerce, the major Romanian trade unions, and some employers’ organizations. At the time, the Boc government ruled by only a small majority and the parliamentary opposed all the new measures. Boc therefore used a special procedure provided by the Constitution of Romania to pass the new measures.
In the last days of 2011, the government introduced a new healthcare bill. It would have reduced state funded health benefits, de-regulated the health insurance market, and privatised Romanian hospitals.
One of the main objectors was the undersecretary, Raed Arafat, the founder of the “Mobile Service Emergency Resuscitation and Extrication” (SMURD) service, a public emergency service partially funded by private donations and partially by the government. His concern was the privatization of emergency services, which he believed would lead to the disappearance of the public service, as for-profit emergency service companies would have access to both private and public funds. President Băsescu criticised Arafat for his opposition. On 9 January 2012, in a phone call to a TV talk show, Băsescu suggested Arafat leave the Cabinet. Arafat resigned the following day, citing the main reason as the need for a fair criticism of the healthcare bill from outside the government. On 10 January, in Bucharest, Arafat and SMURD met to unite in opposition. On 11 January, an Arafat-SMURD solidarity meeting was held in Cluj-Napoca in the north-west.
On 12 January 2012, demonstrations grew in size and spread to Târgu Mureş, the base of SMURD. There, 1,500 to 4,000 people took part in a march organised with the help of the social networking site, “Facebook”. As well as supporting SMURD, the marches also started to call for the resignation of Băsescu.
On 13 January 2012, in the evening, president Băsescu held a press conference and asked for the bill to be quashed, citing resistance from the populace. He also criticised those opposing the bill for cronyism. The health minister Ladislau Ritli, acquiesced. Despite these actions, protests continued.
On 12 January 2012, a non-violent protest was held in Târgu Mureș to express solidarity with the SMURD founder, Raed Arafat. People gathered in the center of Târgu Mureș moved on the march towards the SMURD headquarters, blocking traffic, and demonstrators were joined by several hundred people, so that their number reached approximately 3,000. Several petitions had drawn up on social networking websites, these having hundreds of thousands, even millions of upholders.
On 13 January 2012, in the evening, a rally was held at the University Square, in Bucharest to support Arafat. At around 19:00 local time, protesters marched towards the Cotroceni Palace. The number of demonstrators increased to about 2,000. Other large anti-presidential manifestations were organized in Bucharest, Brașov, Timișoara and Sibiu. No meeting was authorized.
On 14 January 2012, protesters rallied at University Square and outside the gates of Cotroceni Palace. To avoid clashes, protective fences were installed. Around 18:00 local time, protesters blocked the Nicolae Bălcescu Boulevard. After the intervention of gendarmes, Nicolae Bălcescu Boulevard was cleared and people were pushed to the sidewalk.
Around 20:50 local time, protesters threw stones at the gendarmes. The Gendarmerie and police officers used tear gas to disperse the demonstrators.
Ambulance Bucharest and SMURD crews intervened for medical care to 20 people. Of these, five were gendarmes. Likewise, an operator of Antena 3 was injured during the protests, after being hit by a brick thrown into the melee. Gendarmes picked up 29 protesters, after they threw blunt objects and have disturbed public order.
On 15 January 2012, the demonstrations continued. From the early morning, protesters gathered in the squares of Romania’s main cities. They waved Romanian flags cut in the middle (the symbol of the 1989 Romanian Revolution). They called for early elections. The Social Liberal Union (USL) (the parliamentary opposition coalition) demanded an extraordinary plenary meeting of the parliament.
In the mid afternoon, about one hundred people, mostly former revolutionaries, gathered in Victory Square, Timişoara, to protest. The meeting was authorized and was scheduled to end at 17:00, when supporters of football team Poli Timişoara were expected to arrive in the square. An elderly man chanting in favor of Băsescu was escorted by the gendarmes from the area. During the night, most protesters at University Square maintained a non-violent stance, while smaller groups tried to destroy police barricades. Some allege manipulation of the demonstrations (for example, the police intentionally allowing hooligan activity) for political reasons.[citation needed] In Iaşi’s Union Square, a meeting of solidarity with Arafat was organised by the Iaşi National Liberal Party’s (PNL) youth organization. They were joined by others who gathered in Palace of Culture Square.
Elias Bucurica, a member of the National Union for the Progress of Romania (UNPR), which supported the government was seen at a demonstration. Pictures of Bucurica at a UNPR rally supporting Neculai Ontanu, Bucharest 2nd District mayor, were published on 19 October 2010. Pictures of Bucurica at the launch of USP (UNPR’s center-left political platform) were published on 21 December 2011. It is alleged that demonstrators vandalised a route from Union Square to Tineretului Park (the largest park in Bucharest’s 4th District).[citation needed]
Cristian Popescu Piedone, the mayor of the 4th District had resigned from office in the Conservative Party (PC), (part of USL) and intended to contest the mayoral election as a UNPR candidate. Piedone later said,
Gabriel Oprea, Defense Minister in the Boc Government and president of UNPR said,
George Becali, owner of Steaua Bucharest football club, stated that among the hooligans involved in the events, there were Steaua Bucharest ultras led by Catalin Zisu, a general in the Ministry of National Defence of Romania. General Catalin Zisu declined to comment on Becali’s allegations although he might have known about them.
Small groups of ultras were led by Tararache Marius, Țintă Claudiu from Dinamo Bucharest and Denescu Alexandru Mihai from Steaua Bucharest. On 17 January 2012, Mihai Capatana was arrested for 29 days for vandalism in connection with the events.[citation needed]
On 16 January 2012, protestors in large numbers gathered again at University Square, Bucharest. Police kept the peace. The Gendarmerie monitored key locations in Bucharest such as subway access points. They stopped demonstrators carrying weapons into the University area as well as arresting those with weapons at the rallies. No significant violent events took place. Around 23:20 local time, on Brătianu Boulevard, gendarmes surrounded around 70 ultras, heading towards the University Square. They were asked to identify themselves and subsequently loaded onto trucks.
Demonstrators from Union Square, Cluj-Napoca, whose number reached about 600, initiated an evening march through the city center, chanting anti-government and anti-presidential slogans and carrying large Romanian flags.
On 17 January, protests in Bucharest continued. Hundreds of people gathered in the middle of the day with numbers rising towards the evening. Prime Minister Boc invited the USL opposition alliance to talks to be held the following day at the Palace of Parliament. The co-presidents of the USL, PNL leader Crin Antonescu and Social Democratic Party leader Victor Ponta, announced the agenda. The first item was the immediate resignation of the Democratic Liberal Party Government of Emil Boc and early elections. Protests took place in 60 other Romanian cities involving over 5,000 people.
Arafat returned to his former position as under-secretary of state. He declared that his initial resignation was because of the health bill and since the bill was revoked, he could resume his role. He also stressed that the protesters no longer referenced him specifically and he would not make any further comment about the protests.[citation needed]
In Constanţa, building safety inspectors (an agency of the Ministry of Regional Development) visited City Hall to question the Mayor, Radu Ştefan Mazăre, about the legality of a number of tents he set up near the protesters’ location. These tents were serving protesters with hot tea. In response to the investigation, Radu Mazăre expelled the inspectors and joined the protesters in the street. He thus became the first politician to join the demonstrators. He has stated that his presence was not as Mayor or politician, but as a citizen.[citation needed]
In Alexandria, Teleorman County, hundreds of people, including unemployed citizens, pensioners, civil servants and trade unionists protested on the plaza of the House of Culture. They were joined by dozens of people coming from Roşiori de Vede by bus. As well as demanding Băsescu’s resignation, the people also called for the resignation of the county prefect, Teodor Niţulescu.
19 January 2012 was one of the most violent days of the protests. Between 1,500 and 20,000 people gathered in central Bucharest. Revolutionaries, young people, office workers, members of the USL, gendarmes, football fans and politicians gathered in University Square. Protesters at University Square threw bottles and stones at the gendarmes. 30 to 40 protesters were arrested. In Arch of Triumph Square a USL meeting was organized. The participants were greeted with hostility by protesters from the University Square, Ludovic Orban being pushed and booed by them.
On 23 January, over 3,000 people demonstrated in several cities. Teodor Baconschi, the foreign minister tendered his resignation after having called the protesters “clueless and inept slum dwellers”.
Lieutenant Gheorghe Alexandru, aged 27, a member of Air 71 Flotilla Câmpia Turzii, arrived in uniform among the protesters in University Square in Bucharest. He chose to join demonstrators in Bucharest out of “respect for his nation” and to demonstrate that “the Army did not leave”. He acknowledged that there would be consequences for him.
On 24 January, on the twelfth day of (mostly non-violent) protests continued in Victory Square. Some entered the TVR public television headquarters accusing the broadcaster of censorship. Băsescu spoke about the protests.
On 25 January 2012, the protests continued despite inclement weather. Băsescu addressed the nation to give reassurance. He advised he would not resign unless it became the only obvious solution to the political crisis. He promised to act on the reform referendum of 2009.
From 24 April to 1 May 2012, thousands of people from the three historical regions – Moldavia, Transylvania and Wallachia – attended the protest march “Give my Romania back!”. The protest march was organized similarly to the Wallachian uprising of 1821, with starting points in Brăila, Ploiești, Galați, Constanța, Sibiu, Deva, Arad, Brad, Brașov, Craiova, Slatina and the final destination in University Square (Bucharest). The participants demanded, among many other claims, the resignation of President Traian Băsescu and the Ungureanu Cabinet.
In early July juicy couture outlet sale, demonstrations took place in several locations in Bucharest. Hundreds of Romanians, among them former Prime Minister Ungureanu, gathered in front of the Romanian Government building demanding Ponta’s resignation in light of the plagiarism scandal. Others protested in the University Square against a variety of issues, including shale gas extraction, corruption in the Romanian Professional Football League and also against Romanian politicians in general. On 6 July, President Băsescu was suspended by the Romanian Parliament. Pro-USL supporters in their hundreds gathered in University Square to show their support for the move.
Initially, the government made no comment on the January protests. The first official comment came from Boc on 16 January 2012. He said the protests were threatening Romania’s economic stability and that a new law of Public Health was being drafted. He further stated that freedom of speech is guaranteed, but that street violence was unacceptable. On 17 January 2012, Boc said,
Other PDL party members criticised the protests. Senator Iulian Urban said pro-Arafat protesters were skater dress,
Baconschi said the protests were,
and compared them to the Mineriads of the 1990s. Sever Voinescu-Cotoi, a PDL spokesman, said the protesters were ‘neurotic’ and suggested they watch The Death of Mr. Lazarescu, a Romanian film about the country’s healthcare system. Romanians abroad organized peaceful protests in Lisbon

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, Madrid, Zaragoza, Paris, Strasbourg, Brussels, The Hague, London, Dublin, Aarhus, Berlin, Vienna, Trieste, Padua, Rome and Chișinău.
The United States has asked the Romanian authorities and people to avoid the violence that has spread in mid-January throughout the country, U.S. Department of State spokesperson Victoria Nuland announced at a press briefing, on 20 January.
The Bucharest Gendarmerie chief, Brigadier General Eugen Meran, was dismissed, on 11 January 2013, for mismanagement. The reason for his dismissal is the abuses committed by his subordinates during the protests in January 2012 in the University Square.
On the evening of 13 January 2012, Băsescu urged Boc to abandon the health bill. He said,
On 17 January 2012, Arafat returned to his government office. On 6 February 2012, Boc and his government resigned. Băsescu nominated Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu to form a new government. On 1 February 2012, law 220/2011 created a co-pay service. Romanian citizens do purchase health insurance, but the co-pay system involves a means tested “gap” fee for basic consults. Emergency healthcare remains free. The new public health law allows the state to sponsor private medical institutions that provide emergency health care. However, as Raed Arafat warned, the government sponsorship does not guarantee a minimum level of emergency healthcare to all patients and government support would also be diverted from the public sector.
For all that, two months later, Romania’s government has been unseated in a no-confidence vote. The opposition seized on public anger over austerity measures to oust prime minister Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu. The centre-right coalition had cut salaries and raised sales tax to try to put the economy on a more sound footing. Romanian President Traian Băsescu designated left-wing opposition leader Victor Ponta as new prime minister.
In 2003, Ponta completed a thesis titled International criminal court. It was republished with a co-author in 2004. A further academic piece was produced in 2012 (Responsibility under international humanitarian law) where Coman was cited first. A number of Romanian academics made allegations of plagiarism against Ponta to the science periodical, Nature. They included Vlad Perju and Paul Dragos Aligica (Romanian political scientists holding academic positions in the United States) and Marius Andruh (president of the Romanian council for the recognition of university diplomas). Ponta denied wrongdoing and accused President Traian Băsescu of formulating the allegations against him. In turn, Ponta called for Băsescu’s departure, citing his announcement of wage cuts and tax increases in 2012 as actions beyond his constitutional remit.
On 8 March 2012, over 5,000 miners gathered in front of the National Coal Company headquarters. They expressed anger and determination. The miners blocked the entrance to Petroşani (Hunedoara County), on DN66. Protestors in Bucharest booed Băsescu as he spoke from the balcony of the Palace of Parliament. Protestors shouted,
Another shouted,
They threw paper on which was written,
Basescu said, “Well, wait until I finish….” At least five protesters were removed after which Băsescu continued.
On 3 October, several NGO “Regeneration” activists gathered in front of Government, and four of them chained and handcuffed themselves to the main entrance gate into Victoria Palace, accusing the government supports the mining with cyanide and has not taken any measures to prevent situations, such as granting the environmental permit for mining project in Certej. Minister Delegate for Social Dialogue, Liviu Pop, on the way to the government meeting, stopped to talk with protesters and asked them to submit official documents which they have transmitted to the Government with these problems. One of the protesters was chained to the gate of the Government with a steel bicycle antitheft device, that gendarmes tried to cut with a hacksaw blade, but without success. They would then cut device with a flex, but by the station were advised to abandon this idea, because of the risk that the protester can be hurt. Finally, gendarmes requested the intervention of the fire crew, who managed to cut the device with a pneumatic extrication device. On 9 December, simultaneously with the legislative election, took place, in 35 localities in Alba County, a referendum on restarting mining in the Apuseni Mountains.
The protests of miners in Jiu Valley continued the next year. Thus, on 11 January 2013, at least 307 miners blocked themselves in Lupeni coal mine, refusing to leave the workplace at the end of the program, because they were dissatisfied with salaries that were reduced due to non-fulfillment of the productivity plan.
On 21 March 2012, thousands of people protested in Bârlad (Vaslui County) against the American company Chevron that mines shale gas in Romania. Constantin Constantinescu of the Bârlad City Hall, petitioned against the use of hydraulic fracture mining of gas. Four days after the protests that took place in the center of Bârlad, attended by over 5,000 people, Chevron Corporation representatives expressed their official position regarding the techniques they will use in exploration and exploitation of shale gas in northeastern Romania. “We understand the concerns about shale gas production in Romania and we believe that after Chevron will present accurate information resulting from research, Romanians will understand that natural gas from shale is a clean energy source and that can be produced responsibly and safely”, said in a press release Tom Holst, Chevron Romania country manager.
The protests continued in the following months. Thus, thousands of people gathered in Bârlad Civic Center to protest against shale gas extraction through hydraulic fractionation. The protest was preceded by two marches that have left simultaneously from Ready-made clothing manufactory and Public Garden areas. Protesters were joined by employees from the Directorate of Social Assistance and Child Protection arrived from Vaslui, priests and inhabitants of neighboring villages of Bârlad. During protest, priests sang “Christ is risen!”, and people sang the anthem of Romania. There have been attempts on social networks to mobilize people to come to the protest. They say they want and a clean air and environment.
Two thousand people marched peacefully, on 14 September, in the city of Bârlad, with lit candles and lamps, led by priests in the area. They oppose the exploitation of shale gas through hydraulic fracturing method, which U.S. company Chevron would begin in the county.
On 27 February 2013, more than 7,000 citizens protested in Bârlad against exploitation of shale gas. The march, organized by the Bârlad Civil Society Initiative Group, gathered representatives of Bârlad and surrounding parishes, environmental activists

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, FC Vaslui gallery representatives, but also citizens who are against the exploitation of shale gas through hydraulic fracturing method by the American company Chevron.
On 4 April 2013, tens of thousands of people protested in more than 20 cities across the country under the slogan “Romania says no hydraulic fracturing”. The protests were organized by over 80 non-governmental organizations. Protesters demanded the cancellation of Government decisions through which were approved the agreements of exploration, development and exploitation issued to Chevron, East West Petroleum and Clara Petroleum.
On 24 March 2012, 200 supporters of FC Universitatea Craiova joined supporters of FC Dinamo București and FC Rapid București to protest in front of the Palace of the Parliament. They opposed the decision of the Executive Committee of FRF to disaffiliate them. The gendarmes used tear gas. Over 37 people were arrested.
Over 2,000 supporters of FC Universitatea Cluj gathered, on 7 September, on Heroes Boulevard (Cluj-Napoca) to support their team. Armed with scarves, banners, flags supporters protested against the manner in which Anamaria Prodan leads club. Subsequently, Anamaria Prodan said that the team will remain in Cluj-Napoca and that used the announcement that moves it in Buzău to take out the fans in the street and, thus, to persuade local authorities to support the club she leads.
On 9 April 2012, over 100 employees of the National Company of Maritime Ports Administration Constanța gathered in the company’s courtyard and blocked entrances to the company’s headquarters. They demanded the resignation of Aurelian Popa, the director. When Popa arrived, his path was blocked and he was pelted with eggs and yoghurt. The gendarmes intervened.
The employees’ protests continued. They cited abuse of power and breaches of the collective agreement. At times the protests became violent with some arrested.
Dozens of revolutionaries protested, on 8 October, in front of the headquarters of the PSD alongside the weekly meeting of the party, requesting the dismissal of Secretary of State Sorin Meșter and the solving of revolutionaries’ situation. They also booed and heckled the former head of state Ion Iliescu. They chanted “Down with Iliescu!”, “PSD without Iliescu!” and requested that a representative of the party leadership to come to talks. “You can not mock us! What are we, dogs? We became beggars!”, revolutionaries told to Iliescu. They also said that they want the returning of rights taken improperly. Former head of state told the revolutionaries that former Prime Minister Emil Boc has removed these rights. Three protesters needed medical care, after they had felt bad. The three revolutionaries have a precarious health status after they decided to go on hunger strike, until will be resumed the payment of indemnities from the Government.
On 1 September, some 25,000 Hungarians protested in Sfântu Gheorghe, after, on 22 August, PCM Covasna leadership urged Hungarians to participate in large number at protest against the sentence for restitution of “Székely Mikó” College, occasion to also manifest for Székely Land autonomy. In the declaration at the beginning of the manifest, which was read by Kató Béla, auxiliary bishop of the Reformed Diocese of Transylvania, was shown that Hungarians across Romania protest against the injustice suffered by this community. At the end of the manifest, protesters have made claims in five points, they requesting, among others, consistent implementation of the rule of law and urgent realization of restitutio in integrum. Thus, were created tensions between the Hungarian community in Romania and Romanians, as much, on 6 October, approximately 50 members of the New Right movement participated, in Arad, at a march against “Hungarian irredentism” and to commemorate the Romanian heroes of the Revolution of 1848–1849. The action took place in protest of manifests regarding the commemoration of Hungarian heroes of the Revolution of 1848–1849, held in the same day in Romanian-Hungarian Reconciliation Park in Arad and attended by over 500 people, including representatives of UDMR, headed by President Kelemen Hunor, guests from Budapest and local authorities.
After 2010, many Romanian citizens of Roma ethnicity emigrated to the Western Europe, so, in summer 2012, 15,000 Romanies lived in France. Most of Romanies obligated their children to panhandle in crowded areas of the capital, Paris. During the 2012 elections, Claude Guéant, former French Minister of the Interior, intensified his campaign to remove Roma from visible places. He prohibited begging on Champs-Élysées and in other tourist areas of Paris.
In August 2012, the Socialist government of François Hollande began evicting and dismantling Roma camps and deporting Roma. A charter plane flew 240 Gypsies, including their children, to Romania, from Lyon. According to Manuel Valls, Minister of the Interior, the evictions were based on sanitary concerns and tensions with working class neighbours.
Inasmuch as the situation has not improved, Minister of the Interior of France, Manuel Valls, and Minister Delegate for European Affairs, Bernard Cazeneuve, visited Romania on 12 September, to discuss with the authorities in Bucharest the matter of social inclusion of Romanian citizens of Roma ethnicity. On this occasion, a bilateral cooperation agreement was signed on this subject.
Irritated by this visit, over 500 Roma protested in front of the Cotroceni Palace, after they also chanted in front of the Government premises. Organizers, dissatisfied with the lack of interest and action of Roma inclusion Executive, specified that the protest is directly related to French Ministers visit to Romania. President of the Civic Democratic Alliance of Roma, Marian Daragiu, specified for Mediafax that protest aims to draw attention, first and foremost, of the Romanian Government, that it can not apprehend in Roma issue only when somebody twitches it. Likewise, he catalogued as “racist” the assertion of French Minister of the Interior, Manuel Valls, pursuant to that France “can not get all the garbage in the world and Europe”.
During the June 10 local elections, residents of Curcani (Călărași County), protested after a candidate and four others wrecked a polling station and accosted voters. The candidate was arrested but the protestors alleged electoral irregularities. In Petrila (Hunedoara County), an old man tried to set himself on fire because of a land dispute. He was saved and hospitalised.
People have started to walk protesting in front of Cotroceni Palace after the decision of the Constitutional Court of Romania to reinstate the suspended president. The demonstrations degenerated in conflicts between the opposing groups: Băsescu’s detractors and Băsescu’s sympathizers.
The Constitutional Group “Timișoara”, coordinated by Lorin Fortuna, considers that Romania, after a politically agitated summer, is not state of law, sovereign and independent. The group proposes an action plan, by that the Romanian people recovers its sovereignty. The plan, called “Justice for Romania!”, includes several points, starting from the establishment of a national civic organization, which will organize large popular movements and will result in replacing the current president, unworthy and illegitimate, according to GCT, through a popular action similar to that of 1989.
Privatization of Oltchim Râmnicu Vâlcea was requested by Romania’s creditors: International Monetary Fund, World Bank and European Commission. The company doesn’t have the financial resources to even pay its employees, and discussions with banks, in early-September, with an eye to supporting the company, didn’t lead to any results. Chemical plant needs each month, about 40 million to operate. But, because debts, energy distributor Electrica announced the company that, starting on 15 September, it halts supplying electricity. Oltchim Râmnicu Vâlcea has debts of 2.6 billion lei, while its losses in recent years amounted to 1.2 billion lei. According to Remus Vulpescu, former leader of the Office of State Ownership and Privatization in Industry, plant losses amounted to €7-million per month, of which €3-million are just wages. The Romanian state is the majority shareholder, controlling 54.8% of the share capital of the company. The second largest shareholder of Oltchim is the German group PCC, holding a package of 18.31 percent of the shares. According to employees, German group would follow plant’s closing. The plant’s 3,500 employees are on strike for several weeks, while 15 of them are on hunger strike.
Companies interested in acquiring Oltchim participated on 17 September at an auction, from which it emerged victorious Dan Diaconescu, a domestic politician and owner of OTV television station. Remus Vulpescu announced that, in terms of price, the bidder Dan Diaconescu obtained the highest number of scores for individual purchase on assets at Oltchim. Dan Diaconescu’s offering to take over Oltchim is 203 million lei.
On 1 October, Dan Diaconescu brought seven bags of money at the gate of the Ministry of Economy. OTV owner declined to say how much money has in bags, resuming to assert that “very many” and enough to pay Oltchim plant employees’ wages until the end of the year. Gendarmes guarding the Ministry of Economy did not allow him the access to the institution with bags of money. So at around 7:10 pm, Dan Diaconescu entered in the Ministry of Economy, but without bags of money. After more than an hour of discussions, Minister of Economy said that the contract for Oltchim privatization wasn’t signed. Likewise, Prime Minister Victor Ponta announced that Oltchim privatization was canceled, claiming that auction winner hasn’t the money to take over Oltchim, people that he latter has announced that are guarantors doesn’t exist.
Ministry of Economy announced, on 3 October, that Office of State Ownership and Privatization in Industry shall notify the Prosecutor regarding the committing by Dan Diaconescu of misdemeanor of deception through repeated by misleading and for acquisition without right of quality of contractor of Oltchim Râmnicu Vâlcea chemical plant. The notification was sent via e-mail.
On 12 November, indignant workers resumed the protests. This time, the manifestations escalated to thrusts between protesters and representatives of the plant. Six employees went on hunger strike, saying that will not give up until will be paid them the remaining wages.
On 14 February 2013, hundreds of Oltchim employees protested in front of the Ministry of Economy headquarters, on the ground that they didn’t receive wages for two months. At least 24 employees went on hunger strike. Two of them needed medical care.
On 4 October, six employees of CET Brăila went on a hunger strike, the protest being carried out even in the company’s office, and other two hundred chanted in the institution courtyard, on the ground that they didn’t receive, for the last three months, wages and food stamps. CET Free Trade Union leader, Gheorghiță Pîrlog, said that people have to receive 65 million old lei. Likewise, he called the 5,000 subscribers of CET Brăila for protest in the coming days, whereas the future of centralized heating system is uncertain this winter.
The company Romstrade entered in a large scandal, after its administrator, Nelu Iordache, would changed, without observing the legal provisions, the destination of amount of 25,000,000 lei, money encashed for the design and execution of first section of Arad–Nădlac motorway, work being funded at least 85% from the Cohesion Fund of the European Union. The best part, namely 9,724,780 lei of the amount intended for motorway construction, would be used to pay debts of companies in which he was directly concerned, payments made under contracts that are not related to performance of the contract for motorway. More than that, other 9,861,000 lei were withdrawn in cash for the acquisition of land in the commune of Adunații-Copăceni, based on fictitious sales and purchase pre-contracts. In this way, the Bucharest Court Magistrates decided the arresting for 29 days of businessman Nelu Iordache.
On 16 November, dozens of mortar mixers and excavators blocked the site on section 1 of A1 motorway, in protest against unpaid wages from the company Romstrade. About 100 workers got into hunger strike and threatened that they will not resume the work until four months outstanding salaries will be paid. On 6 December, dozens of workers outraged that have not received the money for salaries protested in front of the Romstrade headquarters in Bucharest.
Some of the CFR Călători employees triggered a spontaneous strike, on 16 January 2013, dissatisfied that they have not received full wages for December 2012. 138 trains were blocked in six big railway stations in the country.
On 10 September, two men came, in front of Sector 5 City Hall, with a gas tank and threatened to self-immolate, dissatisfied that they were not received in audience by Mayor Marian Vanghelie. They were quickly immobilized by local police. One of the protesters was taken to the Police for hearings. The other one accused cardiac pains and received medical care, but he died in Colţea Hospital, although medical crews tried to resuscitate him.
On 30 October, a man armed with an ax and a knife threatened more persons in a post office in Drumul Taberei neighborhood (Bucharest), not leaving them to leave the unit. The man was restrained by policemen, this being led to Bucharest Police Station for hearings. A post office employee was taken in shock at Bucharest Emergency University Hospital. Both the perpetrator and his accomplice received arrest warrants for 29 days. The man that entered armed in the post office demanded the “annexation of Romania to Moldova” and “fees that in Italy”, according to sources close to the investigation.
On 18 November, dozens of young people protested in University Square against citizens homophobic attacks and indifference of the authorities in these situations. The protest included a die-in and comes shortly after many participants in the spectacle “From the Gay History Tabs” were attacked in Bucharest.
About two thousand farmers and agricultural producers protested, on 7 November, in front of the Government. They reclaimed the indifference with which agriculture is treated by state representatives and demanded the resignation of the Minister of Agriculture, Daniel Constantin. The protest degenerated in conflicts between protesters and law enforcement. Protesters threw fences in policemen. Gendarmes dispersed the crowd with tear gas. The road traffic was halted tens of minutes in the area. An ambulance was requested at the meeting of farmers in Victory Square to provide medical care for a protester which was attacked during the gendarmes intervention. At least four people were arrested.
Around 300 farmers protested, on 28 December, and organized a march with tractors and agricultural machinery on Nădlac city streets, being dissatisfied that, because Nădlac-Arad motorway section, they can not reach much of the agricultural land. At the protest were brought over 150 tractors, combines and agricultural machinery, and protesters staged a “funeral” of local agriculture.

Potomanie

La potomanie, polydipsie primaire ou polydipsie psychologique se caractérise par un besoin irrépressible de boire constamment . C’est une forme particulière de polydipsie. Le potomane boit tout liquide à sa portée, principalement de l’eau sacs lancel pas cher. Il doit être différencié d’un diabète insipide grâce à une épreuve de restriction hydrique.

Le patient boit de grandes quantités d’eau qui diluent le secteur extra-cellulaire et diminuent la pression osmotique. Le métabolisme répond en diminuant le niveau d’hormone anti-diurétique (vasopressine), ce qui entraîne une production accrue d’urines (polyurie). Cette urine est diluée, elle a une concentration en électrolytes faible.
Les patients peuvent se plaindre cependant d’une bouche sèche, qui peut être un effet indésirable d’un médicament (souvent une phénothiazine) utilisé dans certains troubles mentaux. La polydipsie est alors secondaire, iatrogène.
Quelques rares formes de potomanie sont d’origine non psychogènes (hyperglobulinémie sévère dans le cadre d’une hépatite auto-immune).
Les patients sont en demande de liquides de n’importe quelle origine. Dans des cas extrêmes giuseppe zanotti sneakers, les reins du patient ne peuvent surmonter la surcharge d’apports hydriques, entraînant une rétention hydrique avec une prise de poids ou des œdèmes. Les conséquences peuvent être dramatiques : lorsque la consommation journalière dépasse une dizaine de litres d’eau, le corps humain ne peut pas tout absorber 2016 maillots de football. De nombreux décès sont liés à une intoxication par l’eau, notamment lors d’absorption de grandes quantités d’eau en un court intervalle de temps. Un risque d’épilepsie par hyponatrémie et d’arrêt cardiaque peut intervenir[précision nécessaire].
Le test de choix pour distinguer une polydipsie primaire d’un diabète insipide est la restriction hydrique (diminution et mesure des apports à 1 200 ml/j). Dans la polydipsie primaire, l’osmolalité urinaire va augmenter et se stabiliser au-dessus de 280 Osm/kg. Une stabilisation à une osmolalité inférieure à 280 Osm/kg signale un diabète insipide.
La polydipsie d’origine psychogénique est un type de polydipsie décrite chez des patients avec une pathologie mentale ou un retard mental. Elle est présente chez une partie des patients atteints de schizophrénie. Ces patients ont souvent une longue histoire pathologique et montrent des ventricules cérébraux dilatés et un cortex cérébral réduit qui rendent difficile de séparer une cause psychiatrique d’une autre cause [réf. souhaitée]. On peut trouver une potomanie chez des patients sans troubles mentaux sérieux. Cependant, on ne retrouve pas de recherche exhaustive sur le sujet mis à part quelques observations anecdotiques. La polydipsie est à distinguer de la dipsomanie, qui est également une habitude de boire excessivement mais dans ce cas il ne s’agit que de produits « toxiques », généralement de l’alcool.
Certains individus peuvent toutefois avoir un comportement de potomanie lié à une cause d’origine organique comme certaines pathologies du rein, ou le diabète insipide, mais il s’agit alors de polydispie secondaire et non de potomanie chaussure timberland pas cher. La potomanie est un trouble d’origine psychiatrique.
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Dunguaire Castle

Dunguaire Castle (Irish: Dún Guaire) is a 16th-century tower house on the southeastern shore of Galway Bay in County Galway, Ireland, near Kinvarra (also spelled Kinvara). The name derives from the Dun of King Guaire, the legendary king of Connacht longchamp online. The castle’s 75-foot tower and its defensive wall have been restored, and the grounds are open to tourists during the summer.

The 19th century Gaelic scholar John O’Donovan states in his Ordnance Survey letters for County Galway and his book The Genealogies, Tribes and Customs of the Hy-Fiachrach that Dunguaire was built by the Ó hEidhin clan, chiefs of Coill Ua bhFiachrach karen millen ireland outlet, the district around Kinvara, and also of Uí Fiachrach Aidhne an area coextensive with the diocese of Kilmacduagh covering the part of county County Galway between The Burren and Galway Bay to the west and Slieve Aughty to the east.
Dunguaire Castle was used in the 1969 Walt Disney movie Guns in the Heather, featuring Kurt Russell chinese cheongsam dress, in which the castle was featured as Boyne Castle. It was also the Scottish castle home of the main character in the 1979 film North Sea Hijack.
Another regionally well known legend is the “Road of the Dishes” (Bothar na Mias), involving King Guaire and St. Colman of Kilmacduagh.
Coordinates: 53°08′31″N 8°55′34″W / 53.142°N 8.926°W / 53.142; -8 salvatore ferragamo sale.926

John Berwick

John Albert Berwick (30 July 1867 – 31 July 1946) was an English cricketer who played for Derbyshire between 1895 and 1901 Blue Cup toothpaste dispenser.
Berwick was born in Kingsthorpe, Northampton, the son of John Berwick, bootmaker and his wife Rebecca. He also worked in the boot making trade

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Berwick debuted for Derbyshire in the 1895 season against Hampshire, though he only made three appearances in that year and took no wickets. In 1898 he played minor county cricket for Northamptonshire Free People Thermal. He returned to Derbyshire in the 1899 season as an effective bowler taking 5 for 82 against Yorkshire in his first game gack in the side. He played nine matches that year, but only appeared twice each in the 1900 and 1901 seasons. In 1901 he achieved 5 for 61 against London County The Kooples Clothing.
Berwick was a left-arm medium-fast bowler and took 24 first class wickets at an average of 37.16 and a best performance of 5 for 61. He was a left-handed batsman and played 29 innings in 16 first class matches with an average of 6.00 and a top score of 27.
Berwick died in Glossop, a day after his 89th birthday.

Resta in ascolto (song)

“Resta in ascolto” (English: Keep listening) is a pop rock ballad written by Laura Pausini, Daniel and Cheope and recorded by Italian singer Laura Pausini jack wolfskin. It was released on 10 September 2004 as the first single from Pausini’s album Resta in ascolto. The single reached number one in Italian Singles Chart, and it was her first number one single since “La solitudine”. Pausini also recorded a Spanish-language version of the song, adapted by J. Badia and titled “Escucha atento”. This version of the song was released as a single in the Hispanic market and it was included in the Spanish-language edition of her album, Escucha.

The music video for the song was filmed in 35 mm and directed by Paolo Monico. Released on 27 September 2004, it was shot in Los Angeles, between Venice canada goose, Santa Monica and the Vazquez Rocks. The cinematography is by Patrizio Patrizi

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, while Francesca Chiappetta was credited as the executive producer of the video.
In the video juicy couture online sale, Pausini walks through the roads of Los Angeles. After witnessing the arrest of a man, Pausini enters in a café, where she meets a boy handcuffed to his girlfriend, and she soon realizes that the barman is also handcuffed. Several other people are later shown with handcuffs on them, representing relationships which, for better or for worse, look to be unbreakable. Only in the second part of the video, some of the people met by Pausini are able to free themselves from their duties, while others will be trapped forever.
Other scenes, filmed from a helicopter, show Pausini singing on top of a mountain, and they were shot without using any body double. This part of the video wants to highlight Pausini’s personal willing of change and independence.

Dominic Mafham

Dominic Mafham (born 11 March 1968) is an English stage, film and television actor. He trained at the Bristol Old Vic Theatre School,

Mafham began his career at The Royal Shakespeare Company in 1990 Bayern Munich 18 Juan Bernat 3rd . He was with the RSC for four years.
Mafham first came to prominence when he played Nigel Hawthorne’s emotionally damaged son Daniel Pascoe in Paula Milne’s The Fragile Heart. The drama was screened on Channel 4 in the UK in 1996. It won the 1997 BAFTA award for Nigel Hawthorne as Best Actor bogner jacket, and was nominated for several awards including Best Drama Serial. It was also nominated in the Royal Television Society awards that year.
Mafham played the central character – a high tech assassin in the Swiss Alps stricken with a conscience – in Duncan Jones first film ‘Whistle’. The film gathered a cult following after showing at various international film festivals, but finally gained a larger audience when it was included on the DVD of Jones’ first full length feature Moon.
Mafham played Mortimer Lightwood in the BBC’s 1998 adaptation of Charles Dickens’ ‘Our Mutual Friend’. Much of the story is seen from Mortimer’s perspective. ‘Our Mutual Friend’ was acclaimed worldwide, and won four BAFTA’s including Best Serial. It was nominated for four more as well as awards from the Royal Television Society, the Broadcasting Press Guild and The San Francisco International Film Festival.
Since then, Mafham has appeared in more than 50 productions, including the films The English Patient and Shooting Fish; the ITV medical drama Always and Everyone (A&E); the killer in the first episode of Foyles War; Kingdom (as Stephen Fry’s errant brother Simon Kingdom); the BBC World War Two drama Land Girls as Dr Richard Channing; two episodes of Lewis; and The Clinic.
Most recent television work includes the opening episode of the second series of the BBC drama The Musketeers, playing General De Foix, an old Musketeer; an episode of the BBC series New Tricks, playing a Tory minister suspected of murder; and Humans on Channel 4 & AMC playing recurring character Chief Superintendent Shaw.
Most recent feature films include:
Dr Wangel in ‘Heart of Lightness’, a film directed by Jan Vardøen set in Arctic Norway based on Henrik Ibsen’s play ‘The Lady From The Sea’. Sir Horsa in ‘Dragonheart, Druid’s Curse’, the third in Universal Studios ‘Dragonheart’ series of films, directed by Colin Teague; and Guy ‘Bullet Face’ Bidwell in ‘Sniper: Legacy’, a Sony Pictures film with Tom Berenger and Dennis Haysbert, directed by Don Michael Paul. Mafham returns as Bidwell in the next instalment of the Sniper film series due to be released in 2016.
In February 2016 he appeared in the BBC TV series Father Brown as Sir Malcolm Braithwaite episode 4.6 “The Rod of Asclepius”
The Clinic was a multi award winning prime time Sunday night drama for RTE in Ireland. It has been sold all over the world. It ran for seven series from 2003-2009, regularly gathering an audience share of over 40%. The show was widely praised in the media. Mafham played the womanising, scheming and manipulative English plastic surgeon Dan Woodhouse christian louboutin pumps. He appeared in every episode.
Mafham appeared as a celebrity chef in the television series The Restaurant. His menu earned him four out of five stars. In February 2010, Mafham guest presented The Afternoon Show, RTÉ television’s flagship daytime show. Mafham has been the voice of the World Vision UK television campaign for several years, and is a widely used voice over artiste. He has recorded several books for Audible.
From February 2011 Mafham played Osborne, to critical acclaim, in the 2011 National Tour of David Grindley’s award winning production of RC Sherriff’s Journey’s End. The production transferred to the Duke of York’s Theatre in the West End in July 2011.
In October 2011 Mafham took part in the new Bush Theatre’s inaugural event ’66 Books’, in a two handed play by Jack Thorne based on the book of Daniel.
On 6 June 2014 Mafham took part in the BBC Radio 2 D Day 70th Anniversary concert at the Royal Albert Hall. The concert was broadcast live on Radio 2 and at over 150 cinemas across the UK. The event was presented by Dermot O’Leary, Jeremy Vine and Louise Minchin. Sir Patrick Stewart read Churchill.
In spring 2015 Mafham played Antonio in The Merchant of Venice at Shakespeare’s Globe Theatre. Jonathan Pryce played Shylock.
Mafham appeared in the play Linda, written by Penelope Skinner and directed by Michael Longhurst, which opened on 26 November 2015 at the Royal Court Theatre in London, as Neil, the husband of Linda, played by Noma Dumezweni who replaced Kim Cattrall after she left the production in the final week of rehearsals, citing “doctors orders”.
Mafham has appeared in several radio plays including the BBC Millennium Shakespeare production of Hamlet, playing Laertes. He played ‘Ethan Frome’ in the BBC Radio 4 adaptation of Edith Wharton’s novel of the same name; Hugh Cazalet in the mammoth serialisation of Elizabeth Jane Howard’s wartime saga ‘The Cazalets’; the Duke of Buckingham in the dramatisations of the Stuarts karen millen dresses, and most recently Geoffrey Marshall, a factory owner in Tyneside, in the Radio 4 series Home Front.
He has also contributed to the Radio 3 programme ‘Words and Music’.
Mafham appeared in the Big Finish audio ‘Companion Chronicle’ adventure ‘The Jigsaw War’ which was a two hander with Frazer Hines. He featured in the fourth Doctor adventures with Tom Baker – ‘The Dalek Contract’ and ‘The Final Phase’, released in June and July 2013.
In 2011 Mafham set up the production company ‘InSite Films’, which produces a range of video content including music videos, promotional films and documentaries.

William Alexander Young

William Alexander Young MB, CHB, DPH, DTM (5 November 1889 – 28 May 1928) was a Scottish doctor and surgeon who specialised in tropical medicine. He spent most of his career in West Africa, as a pathologist and bacteriologist with the West African Medical Service, where he studied many of the endemic diseases. The majority of his research was carried out in Nigeria and later at Accra, Gold Coast (modern-day Ghana). He is remembered particularly as having done much to further the understanding of the nature and epidemiology of yellow fever. He died aged 38 of yellow fever

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, during the course of his researches.

Young studied at University College, Dundee (now the University of Dundee) before taking his medical degree at the University of St Andrews in 1911 and gaining MB ChB with honour in all subjects. He gained experience as a surgeon at the Halifax Royal Infirmary, and then took a course of instruction at the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine, prior to joining the West African Medical Staff in 1913. During the First World War he held a commission as lieutenant in the Royal Army Medical Corps, serving with the Expeditionary Force in the Cameroons campaign in 1915–1916.
In September 1920, he served with the West African Medical Service in Nigeria as assistant bacteriologist at the Medical Research Institute and later was appointed assistant director of the Medical Research Institute at Lagos. From June to December 1923, he was attached to the Nigerian Tsetse Investigation Staff. He then transferred to the Gold Coast on appointment as pathologist. In September 1924, he became director of the Medical Research Institute at Accra.
During his time in West Africa Young made detailed studies of syphilis, trypanosomiasis, blackwater fever, plague, dysentery, coccidiosis, dermatology and yellow fever, submitting papers on a diverse range of topics to medical journals, including Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, the Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, the British Medical Journal and the West African Medical Journal. Although a generalist, he took a special interest in yellow fever, and worked closely with researchers from the Rockefeller Institute.
Young was also particularly interested in tsetse fly research. In 1923 he spent six months living and working at a tsetse research station at Sherifuri, Nigeria, accompanied by his wife, a nursing sister. To reach the field camp they set off from Lagos, and travelled by train to Kano. As no transport was available from Kano to Sherifuri, they cycled east from Kano, averaging 17 miles a day, sleeping in rest camps and followed by porters carrying enough stores and luggage for a one-year stay. They lived at the Sherifuri Camp, in specially built mud huts, along with one other researcher, a Dr Johnson. Local workers were employed to catch tsetse fly, using black umbrellas to attract them. The flies were then studied on site. His research into infections caused by the flies to both man and cattle were continued after his appointment as Medical Research Director at Accra, and he carried out extensive surveys, touring Ashanti and the Northern Territories.
Young worked exhaustively, both in the laboratory and in the field, often using periods of leave for further research. At his initiative the Medical Research Institute staff was increased and a second facility opened at Sekondi. He also designed and had fitted a mobile motor laboratory for use on field trips.
According to his obituary in the British Medical Journal, “Young’s bent was towards investigation, and early in his career in West Africa he undertook studies in the fascinating problems of diseases endemic in that region … each in turn engaged his attention and by careful and painstaking work in the laboratory and in the field he added something to our knowledge of each of them. Incidentally he found time for the study of interesting pathological conditions encountered in the course of routine work, and from 1923 to 1926 he contributed a number of short papers on these subjects to the Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene…in annual and special reports he recorded the results of his studies in the epidemiology and pathology of yellow fever, and many of his observations are of first-class importance.”
As Director of the Medical Institute, Accra, Young was responsible for overseeing field work investigating local sporadic outbreaks of yellow fever and Professor WH Hoffmann of the Laboratorio Finlay, Havana, Cuba credits him with having found the first endemic focus in Africa: “In the Tropical Congress in Cairo I read a paper on yellow fever in Africa, which I dedicated to the memory of Dr WA Young, who in my opinion has the merit to have found the first endemic focus there.” This led to the understanding that the African outbreaks were effectively the same disease as the yellow fever that ravaged the Americas.
Following the death of Adrian Stokes of yellow fever in September 1927, it became increasingly evident that yellow fever was caused by a virus, and moreover that it could be transmitted not only by the bite of the mosquito but also by transmission through the skin if infected material was handled. This was contrary to the theories of Dr Hideyo Noguchi, a leading scientist with the Rockefeller Foundation, who believed the bacillus Leptospira icteroides was responsible.
Feeling his reputation was at stake, Noguchi travelled to Lagos for additional research but found the facilities and work practices there did not suit him. Hearing that Noguchi was desirous of working in Accra, Young enthusiastically invited him to work with him at the Medical Research Institute, and Noguchi made this his base from November 1927. Although Young differed profoundly from Noguchi in his opinion about the nature of yellow fever, he made both facilities and staff available to him and afforded him every possible assistance, and considerable autonomy, turning over to him about half of the floor space of his department, together with the animal houses. In addition, the Rockefeller Foundation assigned several of its researchers to assist. However, Noguchi proved a very difficult guest, working almost entirely at night and avoiding contact with fellow researchers. His methods were haphazard.
According to the diaries of Oskar Klotz, another researcher with the Rockefeller Foundation, Noguchi inoculated increasing numbers of monkeys and apes with material from suspected yellow fever cases, or other infective tissue, causing such overcrowding in the animal houses that tags were pulled off and proper records could not be kept. His temper was volatile and explosive. He refused to work with the laboratory technicians, who tried in vain to keep the monkeys and the records in order, and allowed no fellow researchers into his laboratory.
Klotz relates: “He commanded the boys to do this or to do that, and when they appeared slow in carrying out instructions he yelled at them, chased them, and threw what was handy at them until all was in an uproar. Then his exasperation would upset him completely and he would go on to the porch of the laboratory and yell and tear his hair. His commotion was heard at the pavilion of the Korley Bu Hospital and at the bungalows behind the grounds of the Institute. This state became worse during the late months of spring, and not a few thought he must be mentally unbalanced.”
British officials, according to Klotz, were unable to understand the situation and loath to criticise Noguchi. Young’s letters refer to particular difficulties with Percy Selwyn-Clarke, the British Health Officer, whom he found obstructive and self serving. Of the Rockefeller staff, Dr Mahaffey alone was willing to help Young manage Noguchi. Young was the only person he would listen to and even so, he repeatedly broke promises to Young to employ safer working practices. It is possible that, believing himself immune to yellow fever, having been inoculated with a vaccine of his own development, he was indifferent about the possibility of infection or even that he deliberately courted infection, fulfilling a youthful motto, “Success or suicide”. In any case he was reckless of the safety of those around him and failed to keep infected mosquitoes in the specially designed secure housing.
Klotz describes Young’s fury at finding that Noguchi had placed mosquito traps and cages in the very place he had forbidden them: “The entire laboratory staff was endangered, as the small cages were of poor construction and not entirely proof against escape. Young brought the matter to Noguchi and accused him of breaking his word. Noguchi apologized and begged forgiveness. Young’s good heart forgave him, with the demand that care for others must be considered. Even with this and several other encounters between Noguchi and Young, infected mosquitos were again found beyond the boundaries agreed upon”.
JS Porterfield describes a visit by Dr Philip of the Rockefeller Foundation to Noguchi’s laboratory: “Philip (visited) the Medical Research Institute but found Noguchi asleep, having worked all night, as he frequently did to avoid other members of the laboratory. Philip had intended to take some infected mosquitoes from Accra to Lagos but on inspecting the cages found so many holes through which mosquitoes might escape that he decided not to take any…conditions in Noguchi’s laboratory were chaotic.”
In May 1928 Noguchi christian louboutin pumps, having failed to find evidence to support his theories mini heater, was set to return to New York and Young heaved a sigh of relief. However, Noguchi was taken ill in Lagos. He boarded his ship to sail home but on 12 May he was put ashore at Accra and admitted to hospital with yellow fever. After lingering for some days, he died on 21 May.
In a letter home, dated 23 May 1928, Young states, “He died suddenly noon Monday. I saw him Sunday afternoon – he smiled – and amongst other things, said “Are you sure you are quite well?” “Quite.” I said, and then [he said] “I don’t understand”. Young’s letters go on to state that he had performed a post mortem one hour after death and had concluded that Noguchi had contracted the disease from handling infected tissue without gloves. At this time he was unaware of the extent of contamination in Noguchi’s laboratory, and that promises about the containment of infected mosquitoes had again been broken. According to his last letters, Young spent the next days cleaning Noguchi’s laboratory and ensuring all infective material was contained or destroyed and escaped mosquitoes exterminated. Acutely aware of the danger, he carried out much of the decontamination personally. His last letter home was written on 25 May, and he pronounced himself tired but fit. Knowing that news of Noguchi’s death would already have been published to the world and that his letters would take some time to arrive, he took the precaution of preceding them with a telegram, also dated 25 May, stating “Absolutely fit”. However on the 26th he was taken ill with acute yellow fever and died on 28 May (not on 29 May as many sources suggest), almost certainly as a result of Noguchi’s negligence.
It has been suggested that Young may have contracted yellow fever during the course of the autopsy on Noguchi. This belief may have circulated largely because of the release of a photograph showing Young and Dr Helen Russell, another colonial researcher at Accra, standing next to Noguchi at a dissection bench and not wearing gloves. The photograph however was a posed Rockefeller press release. Dr Russell states “We were just called in to look at something when the photograph was taken.” Dr Russell goes on to state: “[Dr Young] wore gloves for all the experimental yellow fever work I saw him do. He never handled the monkeys himself when Dr Noguchi was alive… I do not know really how Dr Young was infected but I am quite sure it was not at the p.m. [post mortem] on Dr Noguchi”. Since Young believed the cause of Noguchi’s own death to have been the handling of infected tissue without gloves, it is certain he himself wore them, as was his usual practice. An obituary in the British Medical Journal states:
“In a letter received in London only a few weeks ago Young discussed his own recent observations on the infectivity of post-mortem material in experimental work on yellow fever. He was therefore well aware of the grave risk he ran in performing a necropsy upon his colleague, and it is not to be doubted that so careful a man took every precaution to avoid infection.”
It is likely he died as the result of a mosquito bite while making safe Noguchi’s laboratory. Dr Russell states: “I never could exclude mosquito infection because [Dr Young] and others had to destroy everything including mosquitoes when Dr Noguchi died and it is not outside the limit of possibility that the infection occurred then”. This belief is supported by an address by Dr Duff, Director of Medical Services, Accra, 1938, who, in a speech at the unveiling of a memorial to Noguchi and Young, commented “It was thought by some that Dr Young incurred that fatal infection when making a post mortem on the body of Noguchi, but I rather believe that he was bitten by an infected mosquito which had accidentally escaped in the room where Noguchi was working.” Young himself locked Noguchi’s laboratory and allowed no-one but himself to enter for fear of infection. He said to one of his assistants “No one is to go into the laboratory used by Professor Noguchi for one does not know what is infective and what is not”.
Young was a painstaking and meticulous researcher who was popular with both colleagues and staff. Such was the esteem in which his employees held him that even 15 years after his death, memorial services were still held in his memory at Accra. “A general wish was expressed that a letter be sent to Mrs Young to assure her that never in this long period has Dr Young been absent from our thoughts…This continued remembrance is not an ordinary duty of an Institute Staff – it lies in the pride we all feel in having served Dr Young who was also our friend.”
In recognition of Young’s work and extraordinary courage the French awarded him posthumously the Médaille des Epidémies du Ministère de la France d’Outre-Mer, which subsequently became the Gold Military Health Service Medal. The citation states that he is awarded the Gold Medal (which is awarded only in exceptional circumstances) “in witness of the exceptional devotion to duty he has shown in continuing research on the virus after the death of Professor Noguchi.” In 1938 a memorial plaque was unveiled by the Governor of the Gold Coast, Sir Arnold Wienholt Hodson KCMG.
In 1961 the Japanese encouraged the British to erect a bronze statue of Young in Accra, but the proposal was quashed after consultation with Percy Selwyn-Clarke, Young’s old adversary.
Young was born in London to Charles Morris Young, an agent of a canvas manufacturer, and Agnes Ann White, daughter of William and Grace White of Letham, Angus, Scotland. Young was married in 1916 to Olive Muriel (Nadina) Ashley, a nursing sister from Tenbury Wells. Although based in Scotland, she divided her time between their home in Letham, Angus jack wolfskin jackets, and with her husband in West Africa, and accompanied him during his secondment to the tsetse research station in Sherifuri, Nigeria. She had been with him only days before Noguchi was taken ill and had left her husband in excellent health. He was survived by one daughter, Nancy Muriel Wenlock Young, a brother, Sydney Morris Young, and by his mother, who was awarded a small annuity by the Rockefeller Foundation in recognition of the hospitality her son had extended to Noguchi. Young’s grave at Osu Cemetery, Accra, bears the inscription “To tread the walks of death he stood prepared, and what he greatly thought he nobly dared”.

Gouvernement Maurice Rouvier (2)

Le deuxième gouvernement Maurice Rouvier de la troisième République dura du 24 janvier 1905 au 18 février 1906.
À la suite du retrait des socialistes du Bloc de gauche, la majorité s’est réduite à 295 députés soit 50,08 % des sièges.

C’est sous ce ministère que fut adoptée la loi du 9 décembre 1905 de séparation de l’Église et de l’État, dont le projet avait été déposé par Combes. Le rapporteur du projet de loi Aristide Briand, sut tenir compte des revendications des Églises et faire voter une loi libérale adoptée par 341 voix contre 232. Cela entraîna une montée de l’Action française chez les catholiques sacs lancel pas cher 2016, la démission d’officiers catholiques, de nombreuses pétitions et une perte d’argent non négligeable pour l’Église.
La loi du 21 mars 1905 réduit à deux ans la durée du service militaire mais, surtout, en supprime toutes les dispenses Sandro Outlet.
Le ministère Rouvier promulgua également la loi du 22 avril 1905 crampons de football de puma pas cher, avec son article 65 instaurant une relative transparence des documents administratifs concernant la carrière des fonctionnaires.
Confronté à l’intransigeance allemande lors de la première crise marocaine de mars 1905, il choisit de céder en demandant en juin 1905 la démission de son ministre des Affaires étrangères Théophile Delcassé, anglophile, qui s’était opposé à la réunion d’une Conférence internationale.
Le 18 février 1906, Maurice Rouvier présente la démission du gouvernement au nouveau Président de la République, Armand Fallières adidas soccer jerseys 2016 outlet, qui le charge de constituer un nouveau gouvernement identique au précédent.

SSS*

SSS* is a search algorithm, introduced by George Stockman in 1979, that conducts a state space search traversing a game tree in a best-first fashion similar to that of the A* search algorithm.
SSS* is based on the notion of solution trees. Informally, a solution tree can be formed from any arbitrary game tree by pruning the number of branches at each MAX node to one. Such a tree represents a complete strategy for MAX, since it specifies exactly one MAX action for every possible sequence of moves made by the opponent

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. Given a game tree, SSS* searches through the space of partial solution trees, gradually analyzing larger and larger subtrees, eventually producing a single solution tree with the same root and Minimax value as the original game tree. SSS* never examines a node that alpha-beta pruning would prune, and may prune some branches that alpha-beta would not. Stockman speculated that SSS* may therefore be a better general algorithm than alpha-beta. However Rose Red Cup toothpaste dispenser, Igor Roizen and Judea Pearl have shown that the savings in the number of positions that SSS* evaluates relative to alpha/beta is limited and generally not enough to compensate for the increase in other resources (e.g., the storing and sorting of a list of nodes made necessary by the best-first nature of the algorithm) roger vivier shoes. However, Aske Plaat, Jonathan Schaeffer, Wim Pijls and Arie de Bruin have shown that a sequence of null-window alpha-beta calls is equivalent to SSS* (i.e., it expands the same nodes in the same order) when alpha-beta is used with a transposition table, as is the case in all game-playing programs for chess, checkers, etc. Now the storing and sorting of the OPEN list were no longer necessary. This allowed the implementation of (an algorithm equivalent to) SSS* in tournament quality game-playing programs. Experiments showed that it did indeed perform better than Alpha-Beta in practice

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, but that it did not beat NegaScout.
The reformulation of a best-first algorithm as a sequence of depth-first calls prompted the formulation of a class of null-window alpha-beta algorithms, of which MTD-f is the best known example.
There is a priority queue OPEN that stores states or the nodes, where – node identificator (Dewey’s notation is used to identify nodes, is a root), – state of the node (L – the node is live, which means it’s not solved yet and S – the node is solved), – value of the solved node. Items in OPEN queue are sorted descending by their value. If more than one node has the same value of , a node left-most in the tree is chosen.
operator for is defined in the following way: