Arthur L. Collins

Arthur Launcelot Collins (8 July 1868 – 22 November 1902) was a British metallurgist, mining engineer and mine manager of properties in Mexico and the United States. He was born 8 July 1868 in Truro, Cornwall, England, the son of a prominent mining expert, Joseph Henry Collins, and brother of Henry, George, and Edgar Collins and William Collins, the Bishop of Gibraltar. Joseph H. Collins founded papain tenderizer, and with his sons Henry, Arthur, and George, operated J. H. Collins & Sons, Mining and Metallurgical Engineers, an international mining consulting business headquartered in London, England.

When he was 15 years of age, Arthur Collins traveled with his father and brothers Henry and George to Andalusia, Spain, in the great mining region of Rio Tinto, where Joseph Collins was appointed chief chemist and assayer of the Peña del Hierro copper mine water sold in glass bottles. Under his father, Arthur began his practical work in the laboratory and continued his studies in chemistry and mineralogy, and was soon employed as assayer and underground surveyor by the Peninsular Copper Co., in Southern Spain. Joseph H. Collins and his sons returned to England in 1885, where Arthur was put in charge of an experimental smelting works near Breage, in Cornwall.

In 1886, Arthur was appointed as assayer and chemist at the Berkeland zinc mine, near Stavanger, Norway. It was here that he erected his first concentrating mill. For the next few years he was engaged as a partner in the firm of J. H. Collins & Sons, examining and investing in mines around the world, including in Burma, Norway, Spain, Australia, Tasmania, and Mexico. In 1892 he was appointed geologist and mining engineer to the Amir of Afghanistan, and spent a year traveling in the region.

In early 1894, Arthur and his brother George left England to manage mine holdings in Central City and Georgetown, Colorado, as stockholders and consulting engineers for the Gold Coin Mines Company of New York. In the following year Arthur married Marguerite Morton Becker, the daughter of Gilpin County Judge Clayton F. Becker.

At age 31, Arthur Collins became general manager of the Smuggler-Union Mining Company which was a significant silver mine near Telluride in San Miguel County, Colorado stainless thermos. While the Smuggler-Union was a major producer in the district, its output consisted of low-grade ore.

In order to increase profits, Collins ended the shift fireboss positions in the mine. He also introduced the “old Cornish system” of mining, which he was familiar with from his native Cornwall. It was referred to as the “contract system,” or “fathoms,” and essentially turned mining into piecework. The system became a point of contention between the Smuggler-Union Company and Telluride’s Local 63 of the Western Federation of Miners, which complained that the wider the vein of ore, the lower a miner’s wages would be. But Arthur Collins had little use for the union, and declared that there was nothing to arbitrate.

One of the miners in the Smuggler-Union was Vincent St. John, a young, inspirational man who had become the leader of the local union. St. John patiently tried to convince Collins to bargain over the issue of contracts, but Collins refused. On 1 May 1901, 350 miners walked off the job at the Smuggler-Union. The strike was under way.

Collins began to hire gunmen to protect the Smuggler-Union property, and he eventually brought in replacement workers. The gunmen harassed and tried to intimidate union men, while the union miners sought to persuade the strike breakers to stop working and join the strike.

In the middle of May 1901, the Telluride Daily Journal, a local newspaper hostile to the union, reprinted a story from a neighboring community, the Ouray Herald. It was an inflammatory story attributed to 27-year-old John Barthell, one of the striking miners. In the report, Barthell stated that the striking miners were highgraders, or ore thieves, and that they had called the strike in revenge after they had been caught. But Barthell was a faithful union man and the story was untrue.

On 3 July 1901, Barthell, a native of Finland, stepped to the front of the picket line, faced company gunmen, and shouted in broken English, “You are under arrest.” The company gunmen immediately shot him through the neck and he fell, mortally wounded. Striking miners began to return fire, and a general shooting war broke out.

St. John quickly left Telluride to go to the site of the shooting as soon as he heard about it. He brokered a cease-fire with Edgar Collins, the brother of Arthur Collins, and the company agreed to close down the mine for three days.

Anti-union business and community leaders called upon Governor Orman to send in the Colorado Volunteer Militia, but Lieutenant Governor David Coates persuaded him to allow for negotiations instead. The negotiations were successful, with Vincent St. John and Arthur Collins compromising over the issue of contracts. The district experienced 16 months of labor peace after the agreement.

On 20 November 1901, Arthur Collins was out of the country and his brother was in charge. A fire started in the Smuggler-Union outbuildings, and fed poisonous smoke into the mine tunnels. Twenty-four miners and mine foremen, both union and non-union, died. Vincent St. John arrived on the scene and, in the absence of any effective response by management, was credited with directing rescue efforts, including entering the smoke-filled mine at serious risk to his own health. St. John was credited with saving lives.

In the aftermath of the fire, the company was criticized for failing to respond effectively. Arthur Collins’ decision to eliminate the fireboss positions, and his practice of promoting non-union men with less experience, was considered a significant factor in management’s early, fumbling response waterproof purse.

In March 1902, Arthur Collins and other mine operators formed the Colorado Mine Operators’ Association. Twenty-seven members started the group, many of them from Idaho Springs, where the WFM was strong. The organization would play a significant role in the upcoming Colorado Labor Wars.

On 19 November 1902, the eve of the anniversary of the great fire, Arthur Collins was mortally wounded with a shotgun blast through the window of the house on the Smuggler-Union property. There were many who accused the union, but others declared that with a contract in place and relative cooperation, the union had no motive for the attack. Others considered the possibility that the murder was committed as revenge for the men killed in the fire one year earlier.

Arthur Collins was replaced as the Smuggler-Union general manager by Bulkeley Wells.

Jordan–United States Free Trade Agreement

The United States–Jordan Free Trade Agreement, signed on 24 October 2000, was the first free trade agreement (FTA) the United States signed with an Arab country (and the fourth FTA overall behind Israel, Canada, and Mexico). Products have to be composed of a minimum of 35% Jordanian content to be eligible for trade benefits.

Furthermore no show socks wholesale, the Qualifying Industrial Zones (QIZs) established in 1996 under President Bill Clinton allowed products manufactured in Israel, Jordan, Egypt, or the West Bank and Gaza to enter the United States duty-free. Exports need at least 35% of their value added to come from Israel, Jordan (i.e., in the QIZ) and the West Bank or Gaza to qualify as a QIZ beneficiary commercial fabric shaver. Jordanian exports also needed at least 8% of their value added to come from Israel.

The U.S. House of Representatives ratified the FTA on 31 July 2001 and the U.S. Senate ratified it on 7 December 2001; both were by voice vote, an indication of its widespread support. Former President George W. Bush signed the United States–Jordan Free Trade Area Implementation Act into law on 28 September 2001. It was implemented by both countries on 17 December 2001.

Unlike many trade agreements, the U.S.–Jordan Free Trade Agreement enjoyed widespread, bipartisan, and multisectoral support. Proponents pointed to the reduction of customs duties and other trade barriers as a boon for exports.

More importantly, the U.S. government looked to the political gains to make the FTA worthwhile; economic gains for U.S. businesses, if any, were expected to be small. Ideally the “economic linkages” generated by the FTA would “normalize strained relationships and offer institutional mechanisms to resolve and prevent political disputes”. This, in turn, would act as the “turning point in which hope begins to replace the despair on which violent extremists breed” wholesale knee high socks, as Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs William Burns put it papain tenderizer. The assumption was that in the course of jointly controlling and valuating rules of origin, Jordanian and Israeli customs officers would engage in interpersonal interactions resulting in understanding if not friendship. In other words, the U.S. government has adopted a neoliberal worldview that believes stronger economic relations will bring about peace and stability in the Middle East.

Jordan became a “magnet for apparel manufacturing”, as American companies such as Wal-Mart, Target, and Hanes established factories so they could cut costs by eliminating tariffs. In its first year, Jordan had increased exports by 213% and created 30,000 jobs. By 2002 Jordan enjoyed a marginal trade surplus with the United States. Five years after the FTA came into effect, Jordanian exports to America had increased twentyfold; Jordan’s apparel exports to the United States in 2005 amounted to $1.2 billion. Most of Jordan’s exports to the United States come from one of 114 companies.

In 2006 the National Labor Committee, an American non-governmental organization, released a series of reports on Jordanian sweatshops, whose conditions according to the NLC’s executive director were “the worst”: 20-hour workdays, not being paid for months, and physical abuse. Most laborers are not Jordanians; they are contracted guest workers from countries such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and China who pay a lump sum of about $2,000 to $3,000 to get hired by a garment factory. However, some factories then confiscate their passports, subjecting them to de facto involuntary servitude bordering on human trafficking. Many members of Congress expressed concern, especially because the Jordan FTA was lauded as “historic and progressive” for including labor and environmental provisions “directly within the agreement as opposed to being in a side agreement”.


Taken er en fransk papain tenderizer, engelskspråklig actionthriller fra 2008. Filmen er regissert av Pierre Morel, skrevet av Luc Besson og Robert Mark Kamen og produsert av Besson. Liam Neeson spiller hovedrollen som tidligere CIA-agent Bryan Mills.

Bryan Mills (Liam Neeson) er en middelaldrende, skilt mann som sluttet i CIA for å være nær datteren Kim (Maggie Grace), som bor sammen med moren Lenore (Famke Janssen) og stefaren Stuart (Xander Berkeley) i California. Kim og hennes venn Amanda overtaler Bryan til å la dem dra til Paris, til tross for hans motvillighet. Men det viser seg at menneskehandel av amerikanske tenåringsjenter foregår i Europa, og Kim og Amanda blir kidnappet. Etter å ha snakket kort med kidnapperen som informerer ham om at Kim vil dø om 96 timer, setter Bryan øyeblikkelig kurs for Paris, ikke bare med sikte på å redde datteren – men også å drepe bakmennene for hva de har gjort mot henne insulated steel water bottle.

Det er bestemt[når?] at filmen får en oppfølger juicing a lemon by hand, Taken 2, som kommer høsten 2013. kelme T-shirts

KELME Running Fitness Short-Sleeve Breathable Moisture Absorption Perspiration T Shirts For Man



;”>[trenger referanse] Liam Neeson, Maggie Grace, Famke Janssen og Leland Orser returnerer alle i sine karakterer, mens Rade Serbedzija spiller den nye antagonisten i filmserien. Olivier Megaton overtar regien fra Pierre Morel, mens Luc Besson og Robert Mark Kamen igjen skriver manus og Besson igjen trer inn som produsent.

· · · ·